Critics say guest workers are underpaid. |
 | The ECONorthwest study also shows that guest workers send back to their families in Mexico about 80% of their earnings. The many millions received by their families enables them to buy houses and improve their lives in a country where the minimum wage is $11 per day. |
As told by the Capital Press
Union activists like to call them "slaves."
They say they are abused, underpaid, forced to live in horrid conditions.
They even say one farm caused the death of one of these through overwork, even though government officials determined he died of natural causes unrelated to work.
What's the truth about guest workers?
This article by Dan Wheat, published in the August 30, 2018 edition of Capital Press tells what being a guest worker is really like.
Far from home: The H-2A guestworker
Antonio de Jesus Bailon is one of thousands of foreign guestworkers who U.S. growers depend on to harvest their crops. But their story goes beyond the fields and orchards.
ORONDO, Wash. — He’s up and down a ladder in mere seconds, picking apples quickly with both hands and placing them into the canvas bag strapped to his chest.
It’s grab the ladder and on to the next trees. He’s moving fast because the Gala apples are sparse, most having been picked days earlier. This is the final sweep for apples that needed more time to ripen.
Antonio de Jesus Bailon is a good picker, slightly faster than average. He picks a 700-800-pound bin of apples per hour, says his foreman, Gustavo Sanchez, at Griggs Orchards in Orondo.
Bailon, 34, is a quiet man of short, slender build affectionately called “Chuy” — pronounced “Chew-wee” — by his peers, a common Mexican nickname for people named Jesus.
“These are good apples,” he says, grabbing nicely sized red Gala at ground level.
Bailon is one of a growing number of foreign guestworkers working on U.S. farms and orchards. He has received a temporary H-2A (agricultural) visa often used to pick tree fruit, berries or vegetables. His employer has obtained special permission from the federal government to hire him and bring him from his home in Mexico to work.
It’s work most Americans don’t want to do, growers say.
The number of H-2A workers is growing rapidly because domestic workers are becoming more scarce. Industry and government sources estimate 50 to 70 percent of domestic farmworkers already in the U.S. are illegal immigrants. It costs growers more to hire H-2A guestworkers but they represent an increasingly rare commodity for farmers — a legal, dependable workforce.
Farmers need that, given the value of their crops. The annual farmgate value of Washington apples alone is $2.4 billion and the value of other labor-intensive crops throughout the nation is billions of dollars more.
During the first three quarters of fiscal year 2018, Washington farmers hired 20,070 H-2A workers, according to the U.S. Department of Labor. That compares to 15,611 hired during the first three quarters of 2017 and 18,535 for all of last year.
Washington farmers are in third place behind their counterparts in Florida and Georgia in hiring H-2A workers in the first three-quarters of this year. Before the harvest is finished, they may hire nearly 30,000, according to the farm labor association WAFLA. That would be an increase of about 60 percent from last year.
Zirkle Fruit Co. of Selah, Wash., is the second largest single employer of H-2A workers in the nation, hiring 4,169 for the first three-quarters of this year.
Nationally, 193,603 H-2A workers have been certified for the first three-quarters of 2018. That’s up from 160,084 for the same period in 2017 and about 8 percent of all farmworkers. The final 2018 tally will surpass the 200,049 that were hired for all of 2017.
The need for guestworkers has spiraled upward during the past 13 years. In 2005, the total number of H-2A guestworkers hired nationwide was 48,336. The average length of stay for H-2A guestworkers in 2016 was 6.4 months.
Meager roots
Bailon was born, raised and still lives in Francisco Javier Mina, a village of about 950 people in the state of Durango, midway between the U.S. border and Mexico City.
The village is 7,000 feet above sea level, and most residents make their living hand-picking beans and corn for 200 pesos — about $10.50 — per day, Bailon says. The median education there is six years of school. Bailon attended school for nine years.
Of the town’s 316 dwellings, 98 percent have electricity, 1.6 percent have piped water, 74 percent have toilets, 96 percent have televisions, 55 percent have cars, 3.7 percent have computers and 0.4 percent have internet access, according to the census website en.mexico.pueblosamerica.com. Twenty households have dirt floors and five have just one room.
Bailon’s parents have always picked beans and corn for a living, and he and his three siblings have done the same.
“We had to work and help our parents from as early as we could for no wages,” he said. “It’s what we had to do to survive. We always had food but not a lot.”
Good money
Bailon and his wife, Carolina, have two daughters, ages 11 and 9, and a son who is just a few months old.
Five years ago, he learned of the H-2A program through other workers and decided it was worth leaving home to make more money.
He worked for Evans Fruit Co. in Mattawa orchards his first two years and now is in his third year at Griggs Orchards in Orondo. He was recruited through WAFLA.
He came in mid-March to prune and train trees and will leave in mid-November when the last apples are picked. He will return home in time for several weeks of the local bean and corn harvest.
For pruning and thinning in Orondo this season, he earned the H-2A minimum wage of $14.12 per hour and on piece rate during cherry harvest made $20 per hour.
Piece rate is a rate of pay based on the amount of fruit picked. It’s an incentive for fast work. At Griggs Orchards the rate was $6 per 18-pound bucket for Rainier cherries and $3.25 for red cherries. The piece rate is $25 per bin for apples. Bailon averages one bin per hour, so he’s making $25 per hour, or $200 per day.
“This is good. You don’t really make money in Mexico,” he said.
At the minimum H-2A wage, he makes more in one hour than he makes during an entire day in Mexico. At the apple piece rate he earns about 19 times more per day.
Bailon said he earned $18,000 on H-2A last year, used about $1,800 of that to live on while in the U.S., mostly for food, and took the rest home to his family, including his parents. He expects to make the same amount this year.
The H-2A pay has enabled him to buy more clothes for his family, and now he’s building a new house.
“But it’s hard being away from family,” he said. “It’s lonely. I do it because we need the money.”
He says the H-2A job has enabled him to rise to the middle class. Previously, he considered himself to be poor. He hopes to continue in H-2A as long as he can and feels fortunate to have the opportunity.
Changes ahead?
Bills in Congress propose replacing the H-2A program with a new H-2C program in which growers no longer would have to provide housing and transportation between the job and guestworkers’ country of origin. They could also pay a lower minimum wage.
Even if he had to pay for transportation and housing and accept a lower minimum wage, Bailon said he would still work in the U.S. because he could still make more money than in Mexico.
He said he doesn’t follow congressional debates about guestworker programs or immigration.
“In my opinion, everything is pretty good the way it is now,” he said. “I’d like to keep things the way they are.”
He knows people who have immigrated to the U.S. illegally, but Bailon said he didn’t because the “risk is high and I’d rather do things the right way.”
At Griggs Orchards, picking starts shortly after day break and ends by mid-afternoon.
A relatively new bus carries the workers between the orchard and the bunkhouse that houses 20 workers in five rooms. Each room has four bunks and a television. There’s also a common kitchen and eating area.
Bailon and his roommates watch TV or sometimes walk to the nearby Orondo School to play soccer.
One of the roommates, Raul Ruiz, 25, previously picked apples in the state of Durango.
“It gave me experience but we don’t make as much picking there,” he said.
Bailon lives in a different part of Durango and didn’t have the opportunity to pick apples before coming to the U.S.
Grower perspective
John Griggs, co-owner of Griggs Orchards, says this is his third year of hiring H-2A workers.
“There’s not a snowball’s chance in hell we would get our crops picked without it,” Griggs said of H-2A. “It’s just the lack of domestic workers. It keeps getting tighter and tighter every year. We really noticed the crunch a few years ago in cherries and last year in apples as well.”
He hired 36 H-2A workers his first year, 60 last year and 104 this year out of his total peak workforce of 245 during cherry harvest in June and July. Most of his workers are still domestic, but the number keeps shrinking.
Bailon and Ruiz are part of a crew of 20 H-2A guestworkers that came in March and will stay into November. Griggs hired 84 more in mid-May who stayed into July for cherries and then went to work at Valicoff Fruit Co. in Wapato, Wash.
On June 19, the workers were in their first few days of picking Griggs’ Orondo Ruby cherries. They were all young men in their late teens and early 20s. They were intent on their work and didn’t talk or sing, as experienced domestic pickers often do. But they were slow.
“They were first year out of Oaxaca and were very quiet. They wanted to do a good job. They were good workers, just not fast in that first week in cherries,” Griggs said.
“Picking cherries is a tough thing, especially when you are picking for color and size right out of the gate,” he said. “But they were getting the knack after the first week and were eager to learn. I was impressed with them and would like to have them back. They all asked to come back next year.”
Griggs paid $10 per night per worker to house the 84 in the Washington Growers League’s Brender Creek farmworker housing in Cashmere.
Foreign guestworkers cost Griggs more, not just in transportation and housing but he has to pay his domestic workers the same minimum wage he pays those on H-2A visas and offer housing to those who live beyond a 50-mile radius. He also has to advertise for domestic workers through the first half of the H-2A contract.
“We got a few that way during cherries but very few, maybe 15,” he said. “The downside is the cost and productivity of it the first couple of years. But having a stable, legal workforce outweighs all of that.”
Union activists like to call them "slaves."
They say they are abused, underpaid, forced to live in horrid conditions.
They even say one farm caused the death of one of these through overwork, even though government officials determined he died of natural causes unrelated to work.
What's the truth about guest workers?
This article by Dan Wheat, published in the August 30, 2018 edition of Capital Press tells what being a guest worker is really like.
Far from home: The H-2A guestworker
Antonio de Jesus Bailon is one of thousands of foreign guestworkers who U.S. growers depend on to harvest their crops. But their story goes beyond the fields and orchards.
ORONDO, Wash. — He’s up and down a ladder in mere seconds, picking apples quickly with both hands and placing them into the canvas bag strapped to his chest.
It’s grab the ladder and on to the next trees. He’s moving fast because the Gala apples are sparse, most having been picked days earlier. This is the final sweep for apples that needed more time to ripen.
Antonio de Jesus Bailon is a good picker, slightly faster than average. He picks a 700-800-pound bin of apples per hour, says his foreman, Gustavo Sanchez, at Griggs Orchards in Orondo.
Bailon, 34, is a quiet man of short, slender build affectionately called “Chuy” — pronounced “Chew-wee” — by his peers, a common Mexican nickname for people named Jesus.
“These are good apples,” he says, grabbing nicely sized red Gala at ground level.
Bailon is one of a growing number of foreign guestworkers working on U.S. farms and orchards. He has received a temporary H-2A (agricultural) visa often used to pick tree fruit, berries or vegetables. His employer has obtained special permission from the federal government to hire him and bring him from his home in Mexico to work.
It’s work most Americans don’t want to do, growers say.
The number of H-2A workers is growing rapidly because domestic workers are becoming more scarce. Industry and government sources estimate 50 to 70 percent of domestic farmworkers already in the U.S. are illegal immigrants. It costs growers more to hire H-2A guestworkers but they represent an increasingly rare commodity for farmers — a legal, dependable workforce.
Farmers need that, given the value of their crops. The annual farmgate value of Washington apples alone is $2.4 billion and the value of other labor-intensive crops throughout the nation is billions of dollars more.
During the first three quarters of fiscal year 2018, Washington farmers hired 20,070 H-2A workers, according to the U.S. Department of Labor. That compares to 15,611 hired during the first three quarters of 2017 and 18,535 for all of last year.
Washington farmers are in third place behind their counterparts in Florida and Georgia in hiring H-2A workers in the first three-quarters of this year. Before the harvest is finished, they may hire nearly 30,000, according to the farm labor association WAFLA. That would be an increase of about 60 percent from last year.
Zirkle Fruit Co. of Selah, Wash., is the second largest single employer of H-2A workers in the nation, hiring 4,169 for the first three-quarters of this year.
Nationally, 193,603 H-2A workers have been certified for the first three-quarters of 2018. That’s up from 160,084 for the same period in 2017 and about 8 percent of all farmworkers. The final 2018 tally will surpass the 200,049 that were hired for all of 2017.
The need for guestworkers has spiraled upward during the past 13 years. In 2005, the total number of H-2A guestworkers hired nationwide was 48,336. The average length of stay for H-2A guestworkers in 2016 was 6.4 months.
Meager roots
Bailon was born, raised and still lives in Francisco Javier Mina, a village of about 950 people in the state of Durango, midway between the U.S. border and Mexico City.
The village is 7,000 feet above sea level, and most residents make their living hand-picking beans and corn for 200 pesos — about $10.50 — per day, Bailon says. The median education there is six years of school. Bailon attended school for nine years.
Of the town’s 316 dwellings, 98 percent have electricity, 1.6 percent have piped water, 74 percent have toilets, 96 percent have televisions, 55 percent have cars, 3.7 percent have computers and 0.4 percent have internet access, according to the census website en.mexico.pueblosamerica.com. Twenty households have dirt floors and five have just one room.
Bailon’s parents have always picked beans and corn for a living, and he and his three siblings have done the same.
“We had to work and help our parents from as early as we could for no wages,” he said. “It’s what we had to do to survive. We always had food but not a lot.”
Good money
Bailon and his wife, Carolina, have two daughters, ages 11 and 9, and a son who is just a few months old.
Five years ago, he learned of the H-2A program through other workers and decided it was worth leaving home to make more money.
He worked for Evans Fruit Co. in Mattawa orchards his first two years and now is in his third year at Griggs Orchards in Orondo. He was recruited through WAFLA.
He came in mid-March to prune and train trees and will leave in mid-November when the last apples are picked. He will return home in time for several weeks of the local bean and corn harvest.
For pruning and thinning in Orondo this season, he earned the H-2A minimum wage of $14.12 per hour and on piece rate during cherry harvest made $20 per hour.
Piece rate is a rate of pay based on the amount of fruit picked. It’s an incentive for fast work. At Griggs Orchards the rate was $6 per 18-pound bucket for Rainier cherries and $3.25 for red cherries. The piece rate is $25 per bin for apples. Bailon averages one bin per hour, so he’s making $25 per hour, or $200 per day.
“This is good. You don’t really make money in Mexico,” he said.
At the minimum H-2A wage, he makes more in one hour than he makes during an entire day in Mexico. At the apple piece rate he earns about 19 times more per day.
Bailon said he earned $18,000 on H-2A last year, used about $1,800 of that to live on while in the U.S., mostly for food, and took the rest home to his family, including his parents. He expects to make the same amount this year.
The H-2A pay has enabled him to buy more clothes for his family, and now he’s building a new house.
“But it’s hard being away from family,” he said. “It’s lonely. I do it because we need the money.”
He says the H-2A job has enabled him to rise to the middle class. Previously, he considered himself to be poor. He hopes to continue in H-2A as long as he can and feels fortunate to have the opportunity.
Changes ahead?
Bills in Congress propose replacing the H-2A program with a new H-2C program in which growers no longer would have to provide housing and transportation between the job and guestworkers’ country of origin. They could also pay a lower minimum wage.
Even if he had to pay for transportation and housing and accept a lower minimum wage, Bailon said he would still work in the U.S. because he could still make more money than in Mexico.
He said he doesn’t follow congressional debates about guestworker programs or immigration.
“In my opinion, everything is pretty good the way it is now,” he said. “I’d like to keep things the way they are.”
He knows people who have immigrated to the U.S. illegally, but Bailon said he didn’t because the “risk is high and I’d rather do things the right way.”
At Griggs Orchards, picking starts shortly after day break and ends by mid-afternoon.
A relatively new bus carries the workers between the orchard and the bunkhouse that houses 20 workers in five rooms. Each room has four bunks and a television. There’s also a common kitchen and eating area.
Bailon and his roommates watch TV or sometimes walk to the nearby Orondo School to play soccer.
One of the roommates, Raul Ruiz, 25, previously picked apples in the state of Durango.
“It gave me experience but we don’t make as much picking there,” he said.
Bailon lives in a different part of Durango and didn’t have the opportunity to pick apples before coming to the U.S.
Grower perspective
John Griggs, co-owner of Griggs Orchards, says this is his third year of hiring H-2A workers.
“There’s not a snowball’s chance in hell we would get our crops picked without it,” Griggs said of H-2A. “It’s just the lack of domestic workers. It keeps getting tighter and tighter every year. We really noticed the crunch a few years ago in cherries and last year in apples as well.”
He hired 36 H-2A workers his first year, 60 last year and 104 this year out of his total peak workforce of 245 during cherry harvest in June and July. Most of his workers are still domestic, but the number keeps shrinking.
Bailon and Ruiz are part of a crew of 20 H-2A guestworkers that came in March and will stay into November. Griggs hired 84 more in mid-May who stayed into July for cherries and then went to work at Valicoff Fruit Co. in Wapato, Wash.
On June 19, the workers were in their first few days of picking Griggs’ Orondo Ruby cherries. They were all young men in their late teens and early 20s. They were intent on their work and didn’t talk or sing, as experienced domestic pickers often do. But they were slow.
“They were first year out of Oaxaca and were very quiet. They wanted to do a good job. They were good workers, just not fast in that first week in cherries,” Griggs said.
“Picking cherries is a tough thing, especially when you are picking for color and size right out of the gate,” he said. “But they were getting the knack after the first week and were eager to learn. I was impressed with them and would like to have them back. They all asked to come back next year.”
Griggs paid $10 per night per worker to house the 84 in the Washington Growers League’s Brender Creek farmworker housing in Cashmere.
Foreign guestworkers cost Griggs more, not just in transportation and housing but he has to pay his domestic workers the same minimum wage he pays those on H-2A visas and offer housing to those who live beyond a 50-mile radius. He also has to advertise for domestic workers through the first half of the H-2A contract.
“We got a few that way during cherries but very few, maybe 15,” he said. “The downside is the cost and productivity of it the first couple of years. But having a stable, legal workforce outweighs all of that.”
LA REALIDAD ACERCA DEL PROGRAMA DE TRABAJADORES TEMPORALES EXTRANJEROS
| El programa de trabajadores temporales proporciona un pago más alto tanto para trabajadores extranjeros temporales como para los trabajadores domésticos, además de el nivel más alto de protección para los trabajadores en cualquier sitio. Obtenga información de la realidad de este programa importante aquí. |  |
The guest worker program provides higher pay for guest and domestic workers, plus the highest level of protection for workers anywhere.
Get the facts about this important program here.
Get the facts about this important program here.
Listen to Juan tell his story and speak about his passion for farmworker justice:
"As a former farm worker who has had several executive positions with leading companies in the Northwest, I give my full support to the Protect Farmworkers Project. I worked for many years with farmers in Eastern and Western Washington who provided me with work and an opportunity to succeed in life. I am so sad that some are being unfairly attacked. Farmers are far from perfect and I am concerned that in a few cases their workers have not been treated properly. But farmers are facing an increasing shortage of qualified farm workers and the guest worker program helps fill that gap while providing very valuable work opportunities for Mexican families. I am proud to be the Labor Policy Adviser on the Farmworker Justice Project."
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Juan Baldovinos
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L&I also found no evidence workers were exposed to pesticides and was later found to have levied a larger than normal fine against the farm for missed breaks due to “publicity” surrounding the worker’s death.
Read the story on KGMI: https://kgmi.com/news/007700-state-investigation-fails-to-verify-worker-complaints-against-sarbanand-farms/
Read the story on KGMI: https://kgmi.com/news/007700-state-investigation-fails-to-verify-worker-complaints-against-sarbanand-farms/
3/26/2018
Sumas berry farm faced three intensive Labor & Industry investigations. What did the investigators find?
Read Now
One more investigation by the Washington State Department of Labor & Industries of the Sumas berry farm shows the accusations against them are false. Here's the story in the March 26 issue of Capital Press.
This time it was a complaint filed by a worker one month after the incident supposedly happened. He said he smelled chemicals and got a headache. This triggered a third L&I investigation and found no evidence of pesticide exposure.
After three intensive investigations caused by the numerous accusations against the farm by anti-guest worker activists the only thing the state investigations found was the farm had missed one rest break and served one meal late. Huh? How many rest breaks have you missed at work? If your employer was required to serve you your meals, how much would they be fined if one was served late? $150,000? That's how much the Sumas farm faces in fines because of the two "violations."
The political pressure put on the Department by these activists is without question the cause of this excessive penalty. The Department risks losing credibility even as the numerous and continuously repeated false accusations of the activists leaves them with no credibility except with their dedicated few who refuse to face the facts.
This time it was a complaint filed by a worker one month after the incident supposedly happened. He said he smelled chemicals and got a headache. This triggered a third L&I investigation and found no evidence of pesticide exposure.
After three intensive investigations caused by the numerous accusations against the farm by anti-guest worker activists the only thing the state investigations found was the farm had missed one rest break and served one meal late. Huh? How many rest breaks have you missed at work? If your employer was required to serve you your meals, how much would they be fined if one was served late? $150,000? That's how much the Sumas farm faces in fines because of the two "violations."
The political pressure put on the Department by these activists is without question the cause of this excessive penalty. The Department risks losing credibility even as the numerous and continuously repeated false accusations of the activists leaves them with no credibility except with their dedicated few who refuse to face the facts.
3/20/2018
Union activists need to be honest when discussing working conditions and worker treatment
Read Now
Presione aquí para la traducción de esta página al Español .
It's one thing to organize unions. It's quite another to do so through lies, false accusations, distortions and exaggeration. Here is a compilation of just a few of the examples of the dishonesty displayed by the union activists behind this activity.
The farmworker's tragic death not caused by farmer actions
Emails generating support for the protesting workers at Sarbanand made numerous false claims relating to worker conditions and actions, many of which were repeated by media reports. These include the following:
H2A workers at Sarabanand [sic] Farms (all men) have been experiencing the "normal" conditions of serious overwork at the height of the berry picking season and not enough (and poor quality) food. They were not being offered sufficient breaks, and were told that if they missed three days of work, they would be terminated and sent back to Mexico. Because of this pressure, despite the heat and smoke (Sumas reached the "purple" air quality designation last week--dangerous for anyone, even healthy folks, to exert themselves outside), the workers kept working. Several workers collapsed. One worker went into a coma from heat exhaustion exacerbated by poor air quality and ended up at Harborview. This worker died last night.
Mr. Silva-Ibarra suffered from diabetic ketoacidosis and diabetes mellitus, and died due to natural causes according to the death certificate. According to published reports and from the Sarbanand statement, farm managers were unaware of his untreated diabetes until notified by the worker’s nephew. They immediately called 911 and the man was taken to the hospital. The temperature was in normal ranges and given that the workers are accustomed to working in much higher temperatures in California and Mexico, it is very unlikely that heat played a role. The statement that the worker went into a coma from heat exhaustion presumes a cause which they could not possibly have known and is not reflected in the public records reporting the cause of death. The circumstances surrounding this tragic loss is being investigated by the Department of Labor and Industries.
Air quality was affected by wildfires and anyone whose health condition would be affected by that would be excused from work according to the farm statement. Sarbanand’s statement explains reporting procedures for health and safety concerns:
“The company conducts full orientation and worker safety meetings with all harvest workers as they arrive at the Sumas farm. Company policies encourage all employees to report illnesses, concerns and all other problems they may have. The company responds to all such requests in a reasonable and appropriate manner. We continue to hold regular meetings with workers almost daily to review these procedures.”
Protests were not triggered by the workers illness or death; union activism began well before the illness and death
It has been reported to other area farmers that activists were operating in the fields with the workers well before any work stoppage or protests occurred. A group of workers walked off the job prior to the death of the worker and continued to live in the free housing provided by the farm. Their contract states that if they abandon their jobs after five days, the farm is freed from the obligations of the contract including providing free housing, food and transportation. The guest worker program relieves the farmer of any further responsibility toward the workers for transportation and housing if they have abandoned their jobs. However, and under no obligation under the H2A contract, the farm management continued to offer to pay transportation to return to Mexico to the protesting workers. Nearly all protesting workers did return to Mexico but not all. Reports indicated that they were found working on farms in Eastern Washington, a violation of their contract.
Reports about deportation and police action completely fabricated
Rejecting offers from the farm of free transportation to Bellingham to help resolve visa issues, protesting workers under Community2Community leadership paid for a bus ride to Bellingham's Fairhaven Terminal. Later Bellingham Police were accused by activists of threatening the workers with deportation – an outright fabrication. The Bellingham Police Department took the very unusual step of releasing bodycam video footage of the encounter with the protest leaders from Community2Community because of the false information Guillen and staff were circulating in the community. The police statement included:
On August 5, 2017 our Officers responded to a call for service at the Fairhaven bus terminal. Officers were faced with a civil situation that they problem solved with all the people involved. Recently, we were made aware of some misinformation circulating in the community in regards to the Officer's action that day. Our department is being accused of "stopping a bus and not allowing anyone off of the bus by threatening those on the bus with immigration violations."
A statement provided by the farm addressing a number of these issues on August 15, 2017 is available on the right column on this page.
Working conditions described by union activists, if true, would result in serious consequences for any farmer.
In the case of the Sumas farm, union activists claimed on a political website supportive of their actions:
"...because of degraded living and working conditions, including inadequate and potentially contaminated food, inadequate water, no access to health care, inadequate work breaks and working in dangerous environmental conditions that included high temperatures and extreme air pollution resulting from forest fires; and...farmworker Honesto Silva Ibarra died due to these dangerous conditions and many other farmworkers fell ill due to the same conditions..."
These are very serious accusations and, if validated by investigations, would result in serious consequences. The law does not allow for these conditions and with frequent inspections by multiple regulatory agencies as well as third party audits required by buyers of farm products, it is almost certain that none of these accusations are accurate.
Accusations involving Sakuma Brothers Farms
Union activism initiated by the Community2Community worker center began in 2013. This documents a few of the lies, distortions and false accusations publicly made by the activists and FUJ, the union created by Ms. Guillen of Community2Community.
(Note: all information provided is from publicly available sources including websites during the labor dispute. No information here reflects current conditions at Sakuma Brothers Farms.)
A report on the website “Food First” in September 2013 shows the accusations of activists and how these are related to labor’s opposition to the H2A program:
Low wages and poor working conditions at the Sakuma Brothers Farm in Washington State prompted over 200 seasonal farmworkers to go on a series of strikes earlier this summer, starting July 10th. They returned to work on July 26th after a series of negotiations, believing that the managers would continue to negotiate in good faith, but then resumed their strike when the company did not follow their agreements. The arrival of 170 H-2A guest workers contracted by the Sakuma Brothers Farms is clearly an attempt to undermine the Sakuma farmworkers’ bargaining power, displace local labor, and ultimately, depress wages. [i, ii] The Sakuma farmworkers’ demands reflect the need for drastic policy changes in labor and immigration law that extend far beyond the fields of Sakuma Brothers Farm.
The accusations against Sakuma arose from the arrival of the 170 guest workers. The guest worker program ensures wages higher than minimum wage for all workers employed by the farm, not just the guest workers. The charge of depressing wages is false. Similarly, worker housing, food, transportation are all covered under the agreement. Housing must meet federal, state and local standards. The accusation of displacing local workers is equally false because the program ensures that guest workers can only be used if and when the employer is not able to secure domestic (local or from other areas in the US) labor that is able and willing to work. Given the significant costs and hurdles involved in using the H2A program, farmers typically use it as a last resort when crops cannot be harvested with domestic labor alone. The statement that drastic policy changes are needed make it clear that the intent is political and the false accusations show that the activists’ concern is not worker conditions but the ability of unions to organize workers. To push this agenda, they find it necessary to demonize the farmer.
Accusations of improper payment, wage theft, firing of a strike leader and security guard harassment
In the several years of Sakuma worker action, the news media carried numerous accusations that were not true. Efforts to correct the record with news outlets were not successful.
Exempt from minimum wage?
For example, the same “Food First” article stated: “Washington state law exempts all seasonal hand-harvest laborers who are paid on a piece-rate basis from minimum wage regulations.”
When the guest worker program is used as in this case, all workers – domestic and guest – are guaranteed a wage rate considerably higher than the minimum wage. This is called the "Adverse Wage Rate" and is set by the Department of Labor to protect the interests of local workers. Because of Washington state's high minimum wage, the Adverse Wage Rate for farm workers in Washington is higher than anywhere else in the nation.
Harvesters are often paid on a piece rate basis to incentivize production and because of this many of the best workers are paid far above minimum wage or the higher Adverse Wage Rate. Sakuma reported at the time that some were paid as much as $30 an hour and more when the fruit was in high production. Those who are not as productive are still paid a guaranteed minimum wage as required by law. Certainly, workers who are not able to work at a rate that justifies the mandatory wage are rightfully not considered able and willing. No employer is forced to hire employees that refuse or are unable to perform the work for which they are hired.
Wage theft?
News reports widely carried the story of wage theft and many protest signs featured this false accusation. Here is the accusation as published by the Seattle publication “The Stranger” and Sakuma’s response to it published in October 2013:
The Stranger: Luis was not making minimum wage this summer, despite working eight-hour days on his knees picking strawberries for Sakuma Brothers Farms, he and his family say. I deserve to get paid minimum wage, and that's it," he said. "They weren't paying the kids minimum wage for the whole season."
FACT [from Sakuma]: We did have a payroll glitch early this summer which was outside of our control. But, it was corrected immediately and those employees were paid their full amounts. We use ADS (DataTracK), which is well-known for its highly-reputable electronic data tracking. We download the data from our in-field electronic scanners and this combined with registration data (name, date of birth, address, etc.) is then sent to ADP who cuts the check. ADP’s payroll program takes care of all aspects of payroll including the proper withholding and related deductions. ADS had a programming problem when they transitioned payroll calculations from 2012 to 2013 which impacted a very small group of workers who were also minors. Due the glitch, these workers were treated as “exempt” from minimum wage. As soon as Sakuma Brothers Farms discovered the problem, we manually calculated the earnings of every affected employee and they were paid the full amount earned. ADS made the programming correction and the system has worked fine since then.
Fired for leading strike activity?
Sakuma fired one of the primary strike leaders and the person who has emerged as the president of the worker union established out of the Sakuma unrest, Ramon Torres. His firing was widely broadcast as retaliation for his leadership of the protest. The facts were very different from what was reported:
The Stranger: Photo of Berry Pickers in the field with the caption: Workers allege that Ramon Torres, below, was fired for his role in recent strikes. The spokesperson for Sakuma Brothers Farms insists Torres was fired for other reasons.
FACT [from Sakuma]: The one and only reason for the firing of Ramon Torres was due to his recent arrest for domestic violence and spousal abuse. Ramon was arrested by Skagit County Sheriff officers on August 30th (Case Number C00062705) at the farm workers camp at Sakuma Brothers Farms. According to the arrest report, Torres had pushed his wife Deanna Torres as well as “hit her and pulled her the previous day.” We take domestic violence very seriously, especially spousal abuse in our housing. Due to safety concerns for all workers and people in the camp, we had no choice but terminate him and remove him from the camp. Our society has witnessed too many deadly instances when domestic violence and spousal abuse were ignored or covered up. The fact is that Ramon Torres was arrested for assaulting his wife and, thus, was considered a threat to the entire camp.
Another accusation widely published and broadcast related to the hiring of security guards. Again, The Stranger’s accusation and the Sakuma response:
Security to protect farm or farmworkers?
The Stranger: “Security guys" hired by the farm since the strike began following her around. "One of them... he would pop out. I was kind of scared to go to the bathroom, so I would go before it got dark." Deanna, Ramon, and their daughter have since moved out of the labor camp and into a Burlington apartment. But the rest of the workers still had to contend with the farm's hired security personnel hovering around.
FACT [from Sakuma]: We do have security outside the camps because many workers have told us they have been threatened or intimidated by the organizers of the labor committee to join them and go on strike. These workers have told us they simply want to do their jobs and earn money which is why we asked the security team to assist. No one followed Deanna Torres around but given that her husband was arrested for domestic violence against her, the security personnel nearby only added to her safety in the days that followed his arrest.
There were numerous other accusations made against the farm that were false and vicious but still widely published and aired. Sakuma Farms attempted to set the record straight with the Sakuma Facts website but their efforts were not published or broadcast in any significant way by any media outlet covering the story.
It's one thing to organize unions. It's quite another to do so through lies, false accusations, distortions and exaggeration. Here is a compilation of just a few of the examples of the dishonesty displayed by the union activists behind this activity.
The farmworker's tragic death not caused by farmer actions
Emails generating support for the protesting workers at Sarbanand made numerous false claims relating to worker conditions and actions, many of which were repeated by media reports. These include the following:
H2A workers at Sarabanand [sic] Farms (all men) have been experiencing the "normal" conditions of serious overwork at the height of the berry picking season and not enough (and poor quality) food. They were not being offered sufficient breaks, and were told that if they missed three days of work, they would be terminated and sent back to Mexico. Because of this pressure, despite the heat and smoke (Sumas reached the "purple" air quality designation last week--dangerous for anyone, even healthy folks, to exert themselves outside), the workers kept working. Several workers collapsed. One worker went into a coma from heat exhaustion exacerbated by poor air quality and ended up at Harborview. This worker died last night.
Mr. Silva-Ibarra suffered from diabetic ketoacidosis and diabetes mellitus, and died due to natural causes according to the death certificate. According to published reports and from the Sarbanand statement, farm managers were unaware of his untreated diabetes until notified by the worker’s nephew. They immediately called 911 and the man was taken to the hospital. The temperature was in normal ranges and given that the workers are accustomed to working in much higher temperatures in California and Mexico, it is very unlikely that heat played a role. The statement that the worker went into a coma from heat exhaustion presumes a cause which they could not possibly have known and is not reflected in the public records reporting the cause of death. The circumstances surrounding this tragic loss is being investigated by the Department of Labor and Industries.
Air quality was affected by wildfires and anyone whose health condition would be affected by that would be excused from work according to the farm statement. Sarbanand’s statement explains reporting procedures for health and safety concerns:
“The company conducts full orientation and worker safety meetings with all harvest workers as they arrive at the Sumas farm. Company policies encourage all employees to report illnesses, concerns and all other problems they may have. The company responds to all such requests in a reasonable and appropriate manner. We continue to hold regular meetings with workers almost daily to review these procedures.”
Protests were not triggered by the workers illness or death; union activism began well before the illness and death
It has been reported to other area farmers that activists were operating in the fields with the workers well before any work stoppage or protests occurred. A group of workers walked off the job prior to the death of the worker and continued to live in the free housing provided by the farm. Their contract states that if they abandon their jobs after five days, the farm is freed from the obligations of the contract including providing free housing, food and transportation. The guest worker program relieves the farmer of any further responsibility toward the workers for transportation and housing if they have abandoned their jobs. However, and under no obligation under the H2A contract, the farm management continued to offer to pay transportation to return to Mexico to the protesting workers. Nearly all protesting workers did return to Mexico but not all. Reports indicated that they were found working on farms in Eastern Washington, a violation of their contract.
Reports about deportation and police action completely fabricated
Rejecting offers from the farm of free transportation to Bellingham to help resolve visa issues, protesting workers under Community2Community leadership paid for a bus ride to Bellingham's Fairhaven Terminal. Later Bellingham Police were accused by activists of threatening the workers with deportation – an outright fabrication. The Bellingham Police Department took the very unusual step of releasing bodycam video footage of the encounter with the protest leaders from Community2Community because of the false information Guillen and staff were circulating in the community. The police statement included:
On August 5, 2017 our Officers responded to a call for service at the Fairhaven bus terminal. Officers were faced with a civil situation that they problem solved with all the people involved. Recently, we were made aware of some misinformation circulating in the community in regards to the Officer's action that day. Our department is being accused of "stopping a bus and not allowing anyone off of the bus by threatening those on the bus with immigration violations."
A statement provided by the farm addressing a number of these issues on August 15, 2017 is available on the right column on this page.
Working conditions described by union activists, if true, would result in serious consequences for any farmer.
In the case of the Sumas farm, union activists claimed on a political website supportive of their actions:
"...because of degraded living and working conditions, including inadequate and potentially contaminated food, inadequate water, no access to health care, inadequate work breaks and working in dangerous environmental conditions that included high temperatures and extreme air pollution resulting from forest fires; and...farmworker Honesto Silva Ibarra died due to these dangerous conditions and many other farmworkers fell ill due to the same conditions..."
These are very serious accusations and, if validated by investigations, would result in serious consequences. The law does not allow for these conditions and with frequent inspections by multiple regulatory agencies as well as third party audits required by buyers of farm products, it is almost certain that none of these accusations are accurate.
Accusations involving Sakuma Brothers Farms
Union activism initiated by the Community2Community worker center began in 2013. This documents a few of the lies, distortions and false accusations publicly made by the activists and FUJ, the union created by Ms. Guillen of Community2Community.
(Note: all information provided is from publicly available sources including websites during the labor dispute. No information here reflects current conditions at Sakuma Brothers Farms.)
A report on the website “Food First” in September 2013 shows the accusations of activists and how these are related to labor’s opposition to the H2A program:
Low wages and poor working conditions at the Sakuma Brothers Farm in Washington State prompted over 200 seasonal farmworkers to go on a series of strikes earlier this summer, starting July 10th. They returned to work on July 26th after a series of negotiations, believing that the managers would continue to negotiate in good faith, but then resumed their strike when the company did not follow their agreements. The arrival of 170 H-2A guest workers contracted by the Sakuma Brothers Farms is clearly an attempt to undermine the Sakuma farmworkers’ bargaining power, displace local labor, and ultimately, depress wages. [i, ii] The Sakuma farmworkers’ demands reflect the need for drastic policy changes in labor and immigration law that extend far beyond the fields of Sakuma Brothers Farm.
The accusations against Sakuma arose from the arrival of the 170 guest workers. The guest worker program ensures wages higher than minimum wage for all workers employed by the farm, not just the guest workers. The charge of depressing wages is false. Similarly, worker housing, food, transportation are all covered under the agreement. Housing must meet federal, state and local standards. The accusation of displacing local workers is equally false because the program ensures that guest workers can only be used if and when the employer is not able to secure domestic (local or from other areas in the US) labor that is able and willing to work. Given the significant costs and hurdles involved in using the H2A program, farmers typically use it as a last resort when crops cannot be harvested with domestic labor alone. The statement that drastic policy changes are needed make it clear that the intent is political and the false accusations show that the activists’ concern is not worker conditions but the ability of unions to organize workers. To push this agenda, they find it necessary to demonize the farmer.
Accusations of improper payment, wage theft, firing of a strike leader and security guard harassment
In the several years of Sakuma worker action, the news media carried numerous accusations that were not true. Efforts to correct the record with news outlets were not successful.
Exempt from minimum wage?
For example, the same “Food First” article stated: “Washington state law exempts all seasonal hand-harvest laborers who are paid on a piece-rate basis from minimum wage regulations.”
When the guest worker program is used as in this case, all workers – domestic and guest – are guaranteed a wage rate considerably higher than the minimum wage. This is called the "Adverse Wage Rate" and is set by the Department of Labor to protect the interests of local workers. Because of Washington state's high minimum wage, the Adverse Wage Rate for farm workers in Washington is higher than anywhere else in the nation.
Harvesters are often paid on a piece rate basis to incentivize production and because of this many of the best workers are paid far above minimum wage or the higher Adverse Wage Rate. Sakuma reported at the time that some were paid as much as $30 an hour and more when the fruit was in high production. Those who are not as productive are still paid a guaranteed minimum wage as required by law. Certainly, workers who are not able to work at a rate that justifies the mandatory wage are rightfully not considered able and willing. No employer is forced to hire employees that refuse or are unable to perform the work for which they are hired.
Wage theft?
News reports widely carried the story of wage theft and many protest signs featured this false accusation. Here is the accusation as published by the Seattle publication “The Stranger” and Sakuma’s response to it published in October 2013:
The Stranger: Luis was not making minimum wage this summer, despite working eight-hour days on his knees picking strawberries for Sakuma Brothers Farms, he and his family say. I deserve to get paid minimum wage, and that's it," he said. "They weren't paying the kids minimum wage for the whole season."
FACT [from Sakuma]: We did have a payroll glitch early this summer which was outside of our control. But, it was corrected immediately and those employees were paid their full amounts. We use ADS (DataTracK), which is well-known for its highly-reputable electronic data tracking. We download the data from our in-field electronic scanners and this combined with registration data (name, date of birth, address, etc.) is then sent to ADP who cuts the check. ADP’s payroll program takes care of all aspects of payroll including the proper withholding and related deductions. ADS had a programming problem when they transitioned payroll calculations from 2012 to 2013 which impacted a very small group of workers who were also minors. Due the glitch, these workers were treated as “exempt” from minimum wage. As soon as Sakuma Brothers Farms discovered the problem, we manually calculated the earnings of every affected employee and they were paid the full amount earned. ADS made the programming correction and the system has worked fine since then.
Fired for leading strike activity?
Sakuma fired one of the primary strike leaders and the person who has emerged as the president of the worker union established out of the Sakuma unrest, Ramon Torres. His firing was widely broadcast as retaliation for his leadership of the protest. The facts were very different from what was reported:
The Stranger: Photo of Berry Pickers in the field with the caption: Workers allege that Ramon Torres, below, was fired for his role in recent strikes. The spokesperson for Sakuma Brothers Farms insists Torres was fired for other reasons.
FACT [from Sakuma]: The one and only reason for the firing of Ramon Torres was due to his recent arrest for domestic violence and spousal abuse. Ramon was arrested by Skagit County Sheriff officers on August 30th (Case Number C00062705) at the farm workers camp at Sakuma Brothers Farms. According to the arrest report, Torres had pushed his wife Deanna Torres as well as “hit her and pulled her the previous day.” We take domestic violence very seriously, especially spousal abuse in our housing. Due to safety concerns for all workers and people in the camp, we had no choice but terminate him and remove him from the camp. Our society has witnessed too many deadly instances when domestic violence and spousal abuse were ignored or covered up. The fact is that Ramon Torres was arrested for assaulting his wife and, thus, was considered a threat to the entire camp.
Another accusation widely published and broadcast related to the hiring of security guards. Again, The Stranger’s accusation and the Sakuma response:
Security to protect farm or farmworkers?
The Stranger: “Security guys" hired by the farm since the strike began following her around. "One of them... he would pop out. I was kind of scared to go to the bathroom, so I would go before it got dark." Deanna, Ramon, and their daughter have since moved out of the labor camp and into a Burlington apartment. But the rest of the workers still had to contend with the farm's hired security personnel hovering around.
FACT [from Sakuma]: We do have security outside the camps because many workers have told us they have been threatened or intimidated by the organizers of the labor committee to join them and go on strike. These workers have told us they simply want to do their jobs and earn money which is why we asked the security team to assist. No one followed Deanna Torres around but given that her husband was arrested for domestic violence against her, the security personnel nearby only added to her safety in the days that followed his arrest.
There were numerous other accusations made against the farm that were false and vicious but still widely published and aired. Sakuma Farms attempted to set the record straight with the Sakuma Facts website but their efforts were not published or broadcast in any significant way by any media outlet covering the story.
 News reports treat accusations of farmer abuse of workers as facts. We document the numerous false accusations against farmers and show it is simply about securing union dues – not what is right for workers. See the documentation of false accusations here. | Activistas y Reporteros Necesitan Decir la Verdad Sobre el Tratamiento o de Trabajadores AgrícolasInformes noticieros tratan acusaciones de abuso de granjeros a los trabajadores como un hecho. Nosotros documentamos estas numerosas acusaciones falsas en contra de los granjeros y demostramos que simplemente es para asegurar las cuotas sindicales y no lo que es mejor para los trabajadores. |
P: ¿Qué es el programa de Trabajador Invitado y por qué está en las noticias hoy?
R: El Programa de Trabajadores Invitados, también llamado H2A, proporciona una forma para que los trabajadores extranjeros reciban una visa para trabajos agrícolas temporales en los EE. UU. Alrededor de 200,000 trabajadores mexicanos recibieron visas como trabajadores invitados bajo este programa en los EE. UU. En 2017, ayudando a llenar un vacío crítico en el trabajo agrícola. Es controvertido porque los organizadores sindicales se oponen al programa creyendo que la escasez de trabajadores los ayudará a organizar sindicatos. La actividad de sindicalización en el estado de Washington está recibiendo atención nacional e internacional debido a las acusaciones de abuso de los agricultores llevadas a cabo por numerosos medios de comunicación y el uso de demandas y huelgas contra granjas y marcas destacadas.
P: ¿Este progama es nuevo?
R: No, el primer programa de trabajadores invitados, llamado Programa Braceros, se estableció por orden ejecutiva en 1942. Cuando los trabajadores agrícolas se unieron a las fuerzas armadas, los agricultores temían la pérdida de cultivos y el programa Braceros ayudó a llenar el vacío con los trabajadores mexicanos en áreas seleccionadas En 1952, la Ley de Inmigración y Nacionalidad estableció una visa H2 para los trabajadores temporales no calificados. En 1986, la ley actual estableció una visa H2A para los trabajadores agrícolas y una visa H2B para los trabajadores no agrícolas. Ambos proporcionan inmigración legal y temporal para trabajos específicos, como cosechas estacionales para los agricultores.
P: ¿El Programa H2A o Trabajador Invitado de hoy es otro Programa Braceros?
R: A los organizadores de la Unión les gusta referirlo como "Braceros" porque ese programa ganó una mala reputación debido a que los agricultores abusaron de él y la aplicación laxa de sus reglas. Hoy, es diferente. El programa de Trabajador Invitado implica requisitos muy importantes de aplicación, informes y aplicación. Esto sirve para reducir oportunidades valiosas para los trabajadores y limitar su utilidad para los agricultores. Referirse al programa de hoy como "Braceros" es un esfuerzo intencional para vincularlo a un programa de hace mucho tiempo con una historia problemática. Para más información sobre la historia del Programa Braceros: http://braceroarchive.org/about
P: ¿Cuántos trabajadores invitados participan en este programa?
R: El 13 de noviembre del 2017 Capital Press informó : El Departamento de Trabajo de EE. UU. Aprobó 200,049 trabajadores invitados extranjeros con visa H-2A para granjas estadounidenses en el año fiscal 2017, un 20.7 por ciento más que 165,741 en 2016.
Citando a Frank Gasperini Jr., vicepresidente ejecutivo del Consejo Nacional de Empleadores Agrícolas en Washington, DC, el reporte afirmaba: "Los trabajadores H-2A representan aproximadamente el 10 por ciento de los más de 2 millones de trabajadores agrícolas estacionales del país", dijo. "Se ha duplicado en los últimos cinco años", dijo, "todo el año o trabajador agrícola permanente son aproximadamente otros 500,000", dijo.
El estado de Washington ha visto un crecimiento significativo en trabajadores invitados: las últimas cifras de DOL muestran que Florida es líder en trabajadores H-2A en 2017 con 25,303, un 12.6 por ciento más. Georgia ocupa el segundo lugar con 23,421, un aumento del 11.7 por ciento. Carolina del Norte ocupa el tercer lugar con 20,713, un 10.4 por ciento más. Washington ocupa el cuarto lugar con 18,535, un aumento del 9.3 por ciento. California ocupa el quinto lugar con 15,232, un aumento del 7.6 por ciento. Después de eso, Louisiana, Kentucky, Nueva York, Michigan y Arizona completan los 10 estados principales. "Florida, Washington y Michigan ven un mayor crecimiento porque los cultivos enteros están empezando a cambiar en gran medida a H-2A debido al menor movimiento migratorio", dijo Gasperini.
P: ¿Por qué el crecimiento tan rápido?
R: NPR explica: Los empleadores dicen que el gran salto en las aplicaciones H-2A se debe en parte a que la escasez de trabajadores está empeorando. Pero también se debe a que los agricultores que contratan a muchos trabajadores, y los propios trabajadores, están preocupados por la aplicación más estricta de las leyes de inmigración por parte de la administración Trump. Muchos trabajadores agrícolas que viven en los Estados Unidos son ciudadanos de México o de países de América Central y no tienen autorización legal para estar en este país.
El artículo de Capital Press explicaba: "Tenemos una escasez continua de mano de obra y en algún momento llegará a una pendiente más pronunciada porque los trabajadores están envejeciendo y el H-2A es el único reemplazo", dijo Gasperini.
ECONorthwest de Portland, Oregon realizó un análisis del impacto económico de los trabajadores invitados en el estado de Washington para wafla, e informó:
El sector agrícola en Washington ha pasado por una disminución en la oferta de mano de obra doméstica disponible en los últimos años. El trabajo agrícola tradicional se está "agotando" (retirándose), pocos de la próxima generación buscan empleo en la agricultura, y muchos ex trabajadores agrícolas se han asimilado a otros sectores de la economía. La aplicación de la ley fronteriza y el largo proceso de obtención de la autorización de trabajo ha desalentado a muchos de buscar trabajo agrícola en los Estados Unidos.
Esto ha resultado en un mayor uso del programa H-2A para asegurar que haya una cantidad adecuada de trabajadores disponibles para atender y cosechar cultivos. Esto es especialmente cierto en los cultivos de frutas con uso intensivo de mano de obra, donde el empleo no H-2A ha disminuido en un 7 por ciento desde 2010. Desde entonces, la dependencia del programa H-2A ha aumentado a medida que los productores buscan llenar la escasez de mano de obra.
Las granjas de bayas son los que mas usan el programa de trabajadores invitados con alrededor de 21,000 trabajadores invitados que participan en la cosecha de bayas en 2017, según Capital Press.
P:¿Qué actividad sindical relacionada con el programa de trabajador invitado ha ocurrido?
R: En el verano de 2014, los trabajadores de Sakuma Brothers Farm en Burlington, Washington protestaron contra el trato de los agricultores a los trabajadores. Las huelgas, protestas, acciones legales continuaron hasta que la granja firmó un contrato sindical con el nuevo sindicato Familias Unidas por la Justicia en 2016. A principios de agosto del 2017, los trabajadores protestaron en la granja de arándanos Sarbanand cerca de Sumas, Washington. En septiembre del 2017, los trabajadores protestaron en el huerto de frutales Larson en Quincy, Washington, y luego en las granjas de Stemilt. Todas las acciones fueron iniciadas y dirigidas por Rosalinda Guillen de Community2Community, un centro de trabajadores ubicado en Bellingham, Washington. También participó directamente Ramón Torres, el trabajador agrícola de Sakuma reclutado por la Sra. Guillen para dirijir el sindicato Familias Unidas por las Justicia o FUJ. Todas las granjas seleccionadas usaban el programa de trabajador invitado H2A.
P: ¿Community2Community se conoce como un "centro de trabajadores". ¿Qué es un centro de trabajadores?
R: El sitio de web workercenters.com explica: Los principales centros de trabajadores cuentan con un gran respaldo de los sindicatos. Algunos tienen la sindicalización de las fuerzas de trabajo como objetivos explícitos. Los sindicatos disfrutan del beneficio de subcontratar el trabajo de su organización a los centros de trabajadores: los centros de trabajadores pueden participar en "piquetes organizativos" -demandas para lograr que se reconozca a un sindicato- de duración indefinida, mientras que las organizaciones laborales están restringidas a piquetes de 30 días a menos que se solicite está archivado.
Los centros de trabajadores han demostrado ser una herramienta efectiva para los organizadores sindicales permitiéndoles eludir las leyes laborales. La actividad de Community2Community y el apoyo del trabajo organizado que recibió en las actividades de Sakuma lo ubica en esta categoría.
P: ¿Cuál es la posición de los líderes sindicales en el programa de trabajadores invitados?
R: ABCNews informó en 2013:
El presidente Obama y el senador de Florida Marco Rubio mencionaron a los trabajadores invitados como parte de sus primeras líneas para la reforma migratoria, pero los sindicatos se oponen a lo que han llamado programas de trabajadores "contratados".
Más en el informe:
Aunque no se menciona en el bosquejo, el subtexto [posición del sindicato] es que los trabajadores invitados -quizá trabajando sin asistencia médica u otros beneficios- podrían reducir los salarios de los trabajadores nativos. Incluso los programas de trabajadores huéspedes existentes deberían reformarse, según Medina de SEIU. Dado que los trabajadores invitados están vinculados a un solo negocio a través de sus visas, "los empleadores usan eso para amenazar y controlar a los trabajadores", dijo.
Una duscusion constante de los sindicatos es que los trabajadores invitados quitan trabajo a las trabajadores domésticos, como se afirma en la historia de Huffington Post en 2013:
Los críticos del programa de trabajadores invitados han discutido que los empleadores han dependido demasiado en la mano de obra extranjera barata cuando millones de estadounidenses están sin trabajo.
Incluso en tiempos de alto desempleo, los agricultores han tenido dificultades para encontrar trabajadores dispuestos para trabajos agrícolas, mientras que los trabajadores extranjeros los ven como oportunidades invaluables para obtener un ingreso significativo para sus familias.
P: ¿Cómo protege el programa de trabajadores invitados a los trabajadores domésticos?
R: En primer lugar, el programa es tan laborioso para los agricultores en los gastos necesarios, los informes y los requisitos burocráticos que los agricultores recurren solo como último recurso. La opción que generalmente enfrentan es perder cosechas y un año de trabajo duro o usar trabajadores invitados. En segundo lugar, el programa en sí requiere que los agricultores contraten trabajadores domésticos primero, publicitarlos ampliamente y demostrar a través de los informes que han hecho todo lo posible por contratar trabajadores domésticos. Solo probando que hay suficientes trabajadores domésticos disponibles se les permitirá traer trabajadores invitados. Cuando un agricultor emplea trabajadores invitados y domésticos, todos deben pagar de acuerdo con el contrato de trabajador invitado que especifica un salario más alto que el mínimo para todos los trabajadores que realizan el mismo trabajo.
P: ¿Una queja sindical es que los trabajadores invitados son trabajadores "contratados". ¿El requisito de que solo funcionen para el agricultor que los contrata no da sustancia a esta preocupación?
R: Las disposiciones en el programa de trabajadores invitados están diseñadas para garantizar que el trabajador sea devuelto a su hogar y no use el programa para la inmigración ilegal. El agricultor es responsable de la vivienda y el transporte y no podría cumplir con esa obligación si el trabajador pudiera buscar otro trabajo. Como los gastos del programa son altos y el agricultor paga por el transporte a la granja y por la vivienda y otros requisitos, el requisito de que el trabajador cumpla con sus obligaciones para con el empleador es muy razonable. Las acusaciones de contrato están destinadas a sugerir que el agricultor puede abusar de los trabajadores con salario, condiciones de trabajo y tratamiento, pero este abuso se ve impedido por los requisitos estrictos y el cumplimiento, así como por el deseo del agricultor de contratar y mantener una fuerza de trabajo constante.
P: ¿Los activistas dicen que están trabajando para mejorar el salario de los trabajadores, ¿qué hay de malo en eso?
R: En el estado de Washington, los agricultores pagaron en promedio de $ 200 por día en gastos laborales, incluyendo salarios y beneficios. A los mismos trabajadores que trabajan en las granjas mexicanas se les paga el salario mínimo de $ 11 por día. La diferencia de casi veinte veces en el pago se traduce en una capacidad muy mejorada para mantener a sus familias, los trabajadores mismos dicen que tienen la posibilidad de comprar viviendas. Al presionar a los agricultores y legisladores contra el programa de trabajadores invitados, los activistas están reduciendo estas oportunidades de ingresos muy valiosas para estos trabajadores cuales las opciones son limitadas.
P: ¿Si los agricultores estadounidenses pagaran más, ¿no obtendrían suficientes trabajadores?
R: El aumento sustancial de los pagos no es una opción debido a los altos gastos laborales en comparación con los productores extranjeros. La triste realidad es que relativamente pocos trabajadores, no inmigrantes, tienen interés en el trabajo agrícola. Entonces, los aumentos salariales tendrían poco impacto en la escasez de trabajadores. Como lo que actualmente pagan los agricultores estadounidenses es ponerlos en una grave desventaja competitiva. Los agricultores estadounidenses compiten en un mercado global contra productores extranjeros que pagan mucho menos por mano de obra. Las importaciones mexicanas de bayas han aumentado en un 500% en diez años y algunos agricultores estadounidenses están reubicando sus granjas en México debido a las enormes diferencias en los gastos laborales y las regulaciones. Los granjeros del estado de Washington, en particular los cultivadores de bayas, están perdiendo terreno frente a los competidores extranjeros no solo de México, sino también de Serbia, Chile, Perú e incluso China. En China, por ejemplo, gran parte del trabajo agrícola lo realizan trabajadores migrantes, donde el salario promedio es de $ 100 por mes, mucho menos que incluso en México.
P: ¿Los sindicatos no serían algo bueno para los trabajadores?
R: Los sindicatos de trabajadores agrícolas han demostrado ser innecesarios y no es util para los trabajadores. El New York Times informa que menos del uno por ciento de la fuerza laboral agrícola de California ahora está representada por un sindicato. La historia de la unión FUJ y Sakuma proporciona una indicación. Los activistas sindicales promocionan el contrato sindical como una gran victoria, los salarios negociados son en realidad inferiores a lo que los trabajadores hubieran pagado como trabajadores invitados. Esto es antes de que se cobren las cuotas sindicales de los trabajadores. Los líderes sindicales trabajan arduamente para demonizar a los empleadores como se ve en las numerosas acusaciones falsas, por lo tanto, socavan los esfuerzos extensos de los agricultores para establecer las relaciones positivas necesarias para garantizar la fieldad de los trabajadores a la granja.
P: ¿Cómo afecta esto a los consumidores?
R: Involucra directamente a los consumidores porque la escasez de trabajadores y el activismo sindical están contribuyendo a un aumento dramático de la fruta importada. Si prevalecen las condiciones actuales, los agricultores estadounidenses se perderán cada vez más y los productores extranjeros cultivarán más de nuestros alimentos. Los agricultores estadounidenses ya se encuentran en una grave desventaja de costos laborales con los productores mexicanos, serbios, chinos y sudamericanos que pagan 1/20 o incluso menos de lo que los agricultores estadounidenses pagan en mano de obra. Esta es la razón principal por la cual las importaciones de bayas mexicanas, por ejemplo, han crecido en un 500% en los últimos diez años según el Wall Street Journal. Esto puede no ser una preocupación para los consumidores que aprecian el bajo costo de frambuesas, arándanos y otras frutas, pero como informó recientemente la FDA, los alimentos importados tienen de ocho a diez veces más residuos de plaguicidas que los alimentos domésticos. Además de pagar mucho menos por la mano de obra agrícola, los productores extranjeros a menudo no tienen las mismas protecciones ambientales y de seguridad alimentaria. Los consumidores deben conocer el país de origen de sus alimentos y ser más conscientes de cómo el activismo sindical está contribuyendo al rápido aumento de las importaciones de alimentos.
P: ¿Cómo afecta el activismo sindical a los agricultores?
R: Los agricultores están cada vez más preocupados por el futuro por una buena razón. Más y más regulación combinada con una fuerte disminución en el trabajo disponible causa gran preocupación. Las dificultades de utilizar el programa de trabajadores invitados han desanimado a los agricultores a aprovechar el trabajo voluntario de los trabajadores. Con la enorme disparidad en los costos laborales entre los agricultores estadounidenses y extranjeros, la productividad a través de la tecnología que ahorra mano de obra ya es sumamente importante. Los agricultores consideran que eliminar el trabajo tanto como sea posible es la única forma de avanzar en este entorno. Eso sirve nuevamente para limitar las oportunidades para los trabajadores que ya tienen muy pocas opciones.
P: ¿Por qué no escuchamos la perspectiva de los agricultores sobre esto?
R: Los agricultores solo quieren cultivar. Como regla, son reacios a involucrarse en el tipo de controversia pública que generan los activistas. Las protestas de los trabajadores son creados en momentos críticos para la cosecha y dado que el tiempo de cosecha es muy limitado, los agricultores deben minimizar las perturbaciones para asegurarse de que puedan cosechar y vender sus productos. Dado a los reportes unilaterales sobre las perturbaciones de los trabajadores agrícolas, los agricultores son más reticentes que nunca a permitir que los reporteros entren en sus granjas y sean entrevistados. Por más comprensible que pueda ser, esto contribuye al problema. El proyecto "Farmworker Justice Now" está directamente lidiando con el daño causado a los trabajadores por el activismo sindical y los esfuerzos para eliminar el programa de trabajadores invitados, pero en el proceso también ayudará a demostrar que los agricultores se preocupan por sus trabajadores agrícolas y ofrecen oportunidades de trabajo invaluables. Este es el primer programa dirigido por agricultores que le da a los trabajadores agrícolas, agricultores y la comunidad agrícola una voz pública sobre este importante tema.
R: El Programa de Trabajadores Invitados, también llamado H2A, proporciona una forma para que los trabajadores extranjeros reciban una visa para trabajos agrícolas temporales en los EE. UU. Alrededor de 200,000 trabajadores mexicanos recibieron visas como trabajadores invitados bajo este programa en los EE. UU. En 2017, ayudando a llenar un vacío crítico en el trabajo agrícola. Es controvertido porque los organizadores sindicales se oponen al programa creyendo que la escasez de trabajadores los ayudará a organizar sindicatos. La actividad de sindicalización en el estado de Washington está recibiendo atención nacional e internacional debido a las acusaciones de abuso de los agricultores llevadas a cabo por numerosos medios de comunicación y el uso de demandas y huelgas contra granjas y marcas destacadas.
P: ¿Este progama es nuevo?
R: No, el primer programa de trabajadores invitados, llamado Programa Braceros, se estableció por orden ejecutiva en 1942. Cuando los trabajadores agrícolas se unieron a las fuerzas armadas, los agricultores temían la pérdida de cultivos y el programa Braceros ayudó a llenar el vacío con los trabajadores mexicanos en áreas seleccionadas En 1952, la Ley de Inmigración y Nacionalidad estableció una visa H2 para los trabajadores temporales no calificados. En 1986, la ley actual estableció una visa H2A para los trabajadores agrícolas y una visa H2B para los trabajadores no agrícolas. Ambos proporcionan inmigración legal y temporal para trabajos específicos, como cosechas estacionales para los agricultores.
P: ¿El Programa H2A o Trabajador Invitado de hoy es otro Programa Braceros?
R: A los organizadores de la Unión les gusta referirlo como "Braceros" porque ese programa ganó una mala reputación debido a que los agricultores abusaron de él y la aplicación laxa de sus reglas. Hoy, es diferente. El programa de Trabajador Invitado implica requisitos muy importantes de aplicación, informes y aplicación. Esto sirve para reducir oportunidades valiosas para los trabajadores y limitar su utilidad para los agricultores. Referirse al programa de hoy como "Braceros" es un esfuerzo intencional para vincularlo a un programa de hace mucho tiempo con una historia problemática. Para más información sobre la historia del Programa Braceros: http://braceroarchive.org/about
P: ¿Cuántos trabajadores invitados participan en este programa?
R: El 13 de noviembre del 2017 Capital Press informó : El Departamento de Trabajo de EE. UU. Aprobó 200,049 trabajadores invitados extranjeros con visa H-2A para granjas estadounidenses en el año fiscal 2017, un 20.7 por ciento más que 165,741 en 2016.
Citando a Frank Gasperini Jr., vicepresidente ejecutivo del Consejo Nacional de Empleadores Agrícolas en Washington, DC, el reporte afirmaba: "Los trabajadores H-2A representan aproximadamente el 10 por ciento de los más de 2 millones de trabajadores agrícolas estacionales del país", dijo. "Se ha duplicado en los últimos cinco años", dijo, "todo el año o trabajador agrícola permanente son aproximadamente otros 500,000", dijo.
El estado de Washington ha visto un crecimiento significativo en trabajadores invitados: las últimas cifras de DOL muestran que Florida es líder en trabajadores H-2A en 2017 con 25,303, un 12.6 por ciento más. Georgia ocupa el segundo lugar con 23,421, un aumento del 11.7 por ciento. Carolina del Norte ocupa el tercer lugar con 20,713, un 10.4 por ciento más. Washington ocupa el cuarto lugar con 18,535, un aumento del 9.3 por ciento. California ocupa el quinto lugar con 15,232, un aumento del 7.6 por ciento. Después de eso, Louisiana, Kentucky, Nueva York, Michigan y Arizona completan los 10 estados principales. "Florida, Washington y Michigan ven un mayor crecimiento porque los cultivos enteros están empezando a cambiar en gran medida a H-2A debido al menor movimiento migratorio", dijo Gasperini.
P: ¿Por qué el crecimiento tan rápido?
R: NPR explica: Los empleadores dicen que el gran salto en las aplicaciones H-2A se debe en parte a que la escasez de trabajadores está empeorando. Pero también se debe a que los agricultores que contratan a muchos trabajadores, y los propios trabajadores, están preocupados por la aplicación más estricta de las leyes de inmigración por parte de la administración Trump. Muchos trabajadores agrícolas que viven en los Estados Unidos son ciudadanos de México o de países de América Central y no tienen autorización legal para estar en este país.
El artículo de Capital Press explicaba: "Tenemos una escasez continua de mano de obra y en algún momento llegará a una pendiente más pronunciada porque los trabajadores están envejeciendo y el H-2A es el único reemplazo", dijo Gasperini.
ECONorthwest de Portland, Oregon realizó un análisis del impacto económico de los trabajadores invitados en el estado de Washington para wafla, e informó:
El sector agrícola en Washington ha pasado por una disminución en la oferta de mano de obra doméstica disponible en los últimos años. El trabajo agrícola tradicional se está "agotando" (retirándose), pocos de la próxima generación buscan empleo en la agricultura, y muchos ex trabajadores agrícolas se han asimilado a otros sectores de la economía. La aplicación de la ley fronteriza y el largo proceso de obtención de la autorización de trabajo ha desalentado a muchos de buscar trabajo agrícola en los Estados Unidos.
Esto ha resultado en un mayor uso del programa H-2A para asegurar que haya una cantidad adecuada de trabajadores disponibles para atender y cosechar cultivos. Esto es especialmente cierto en los cultivos de frutas con uso intensivo de mano de obra, donde el empleo no H-2A ha disminuido en un 7 por ciento desde 2010. Desde entonces, la dependencia del programa H-2A ha aumentado a medida que los productores buscan llenar la escasez de mano de obra.
Las granjas de bayas son los que mas usan el programa de trabajadores invitados con alrededor de 21,000 trabajadores invitados que participan en la cosecha de bayas en 2017, según Capital Press.
P:¿Qué actividad sindical relacionada con el programa de trabajador invitado ha ocurrido?
R: En el verano de 2014, los trabajadores de Sakuma Brothers Farm en Burlington, Washington protestaron contra el trato de los agricultores a los trabajadores. Las huelgas, protestas, acciones legales continuaron hasta que la granja firmó un contrato sindical con el nuevo sindicato Familias Unidas por la Justicia en 2016. A principios de agosto del 2017, los trabajadores protestaron en la granja de arándanos Sarbanand cerca de Sumas, Washington. En septiembre del 2017, los trabajadores protestaron en el huerto de frutales Larson en Quincy, Washington, y luego en las granjas de Stemilt. Todas las acciones fueron iniciadas y dirigidas por Rosalinda Guillen de Community2Community, un centro de trabajadores ubicado en Bellingham, Washington. También participó directamente Ramón Torres, el trabajador agrícola de Sakuma reclutado por la Sra. Guillen para dirijir el sindicato Familias Unidas por las Justicia o FUJ. Todas las granjas seleccionadas usaban el programa de trabajador invitado H2A.
P: ¿Community2Community se conoce como un "centro de trabajadores". ¿Qué es un centro de trabajadores?
R: El sitio de web workercenters.com explica: Los principales centros de trabajadores cuentan con un gran respaldo de los sindicatos. Algunos tienen la sindicalización de las fuerzas de trabajo como objetivos explícitos. Los sindicatos disfrutan del beneficio de subcontratar el trabajo de su organización a los centros de trabajadores: los centros de trabajadores pueden participar en "piquetes organizativos" -demandas para lograr que se reconozca a un sindicato- de duración indefinida, mientras que las organizaciones laborales están restringidas a piquetes de 30 días a menos que se solicite está archivado.
Los centros de trabajadores han demostrado ser una herramienta efectiva para los organizadores sindicales permitiéndoles eludir las leyes laborales. La actividad de Community2Community y el apoyo del trabajo organizado que recibió en las actividades de Sakuma lo ubica en esta categoría.
P: ¿Cuál es la posición de los líderes sindicales en el programa de trabajadores invitados?
R: ABCNews informó en 2013:
El presidente Obama y el senador de Florida Marco Rubio mencionaron a los trabajadores invitados como parte de sus primeras líneas para la reforma migratoria, pero los sindicatos se oponen a lo que han llamado programas de trabajadores "contratados".
Más en el informe:
Aunque no se menciona en el bosquejo, el subtexto [posición del sindicato] es que los trabajadores invitados -quizá trabajando sin asistencia médica u otros beneficios- podrían reducir los salarios de los trabajadores nativos. Incluso los programas de trabajadores huéspedes existentes deberían reformarse, según Medina de SEIU. Dado que los trabajadores invitados están vinculados a un solo negocio a través de sus visas, "los empleadores usan eso para amenazar y controlar a los trabajadores", dijo.
Una duscusion constante de los sindicatos es que los trabajadores invitados quitan trabajo a las trabajadores domésticos, como se afirma en la historia de Huffington Post en 2013:
Los críticos del programa de trabajadores invitados han discutido que los empleadores han dependido demasiado en la mano de obra extranjera barata cuando millones de estadounidenses están sin trabajo.
Incluso en tiempos de alto desempleo, los agricultores han tenido dificultades para encontrar trabajadores dispuestos para trabajos agrícolas, mientras que los trabajadores extranjeros los ven como oportunidades invaluables para obtener un ingreso significativo para sus familias.
P: ¿Cómo protege el programa de trabajadores invitados a los trabajadores domésticos?
R: En primer lugar, el programa es tan laborioso para los agricultores en los gastos necesarios, los informes y los requisitos burocráticos que los agricultores recurren solo como último recurso. La opción que generalmente enfrentan es perder cosechas y un año de trabajo duro o usar trabajadores invitados. En segundo lugar, el programa en sí requiere que los agricultores contraten trabajadores domésticos primero, publicitarlos ampliamente y demostrar a través de los informes que han hecho todo lo posible por contratar trabajadores domésticos. Solo probando que hay suficientes trabajadores domésticos disponibles se les permitirá traer trabajadores invitados. Cuando un agricultor emplea trabajadores invitados y domésticos, todos deben pagar de acuerdo con el contrato de trabajador invitado que especifica un salario más alto que el mínimo para todos los trabajadores que realizan el mismo trabajo.
P: ¿Una queja sindical es que los trabajadores invitados son trabajadores "contratados". ¿El requisito de que solo funcionen para el agricultor que los contrata no da sustancia a esta preocupación?
R: Las disposiciones en el programa de trabajadores invitados están diseñadas para garantizar que el trabajador sea devuelto a su hogar y no use el programa para la inmigración ilegal. El agricultor es responsable de la vivienda y el transporte y no podría cumplir con esa obligación si el trabajador pudiera buscar otro trabajo. Como los gastos del programa son altos y el agricultor paga por el transporte a la granja y por la vivienda y otros requisitos, el requisito de que el trabajador cumpla con sus obligaciones para con el empleador es muy razonable. Las acusaciones de contrato están destinadas a sugerir que el agricultor puede abusar de los trabajadores con salario, condiciones de trabajo y tratamiento, pero este abuso se ve impedido por los requisitos estrictos y el cumplimiento, así como por el deseo del agricultor de contratar y mantener una fuerza de trabajo constante.
P: ¿Los activistas dicen que están trabajando para mejorar el salario de los trabajadores, ¿qué hay de malo en eso?
R: En el estado de Washington, los agricultores pagaron en promedio de $ 200 por día en gastos laborales, incluyendo salarios y beneficios. A los mismos trabajadores que trabajan en las granjas mexicanas se les paga el salario mínimo de $ 11 por día. La diferencia de casi veinte veces en el pago se traduce en una capacidad muy mejorada para mantener a sus familias, los trabajadores mismos dicen que tienen la posibilidad de comprar viviendas. Al presionar a los agricultores y legisladores contra el programa de trabajadores invitados, los activistas están reduciendo estas oportunidades de ingresos muy valiosas para estos trabajadores cuales las opciones son limitadas.
P: ¿Si los agricultores estadounidenses pagaran más, ¿no obtendrían suficientes trabajadores?
R: El aumento sustancial de los pagos no es una opción debido a los altos gastos laborales en comparación con los productores extranjeros. La triste realidad es que relativamente pocos trabajadores, no inmigrantes, tienen interés en el trabajo agrícola. Entonces, los aumentos salariales tendrían poco impacto en la escasez de trabajadores. Como lo que actualmente pagan los agricultores estadounidenses es ponerlos en una grave desventaja competitiva. Los agricultores estadounidenses compiten en un mercado global contra productores extranjeros que pagan mucho menos por mano de obra. Las importaciones mexicanas de bayas han aumentado en un 500% en diez años y algunos agricultores estadounidenses están reubicando sus granjas en México debido a las enormes diferencias en los gastos laborales y las regulaciones. Los granjeros del estado de Washington, en particular los cultivadores de bayas, están perdiendo terreno frente a los competidores extranjeros no solo de México, sino también de Serbia, Chile, Perú e incluso China. En China, por ejemplo, gran parte del trabajo agrícola lo realizan trabajadores migrantes, donde el salario promedio es de $ 100 por mes, mucho menos que incluso en México.
P: ¿Los sindicatos no serían algo bueno para los trabajadores?
R: Los sindicatos de trabajadores agrícolas han demostrado ser innecesarios y no es util para los trabajadores. El New York Times informa que menos del uno por ciento de la fuerza laboral agrícola de California ahora está representada por un sindicato. La historia de la unión FUJ y Sakuma proporciona una indicación. Los activistas sindicales promocionan el contrato sindical como una gran victoria, los salarios negociados son en realidad inferiores a lo que los trabajadores hubieran pagado como trabajadores invitados. Esto es antes de que se cobren las cuotas sindicales de los trabajadores. Los líderes sindicales trabajan arduamente para demonizar a los empleadores como se ve en las numerosas acusaciones falsas, por lo tanto, socavan los esfuerzos extensos de los agricultores para establecer las relaciones positivas necesarias para garantizar la fieldad de los trabajadores a la granja.
P: ¿Cómo afecta esto a los consumidores?
R: Involucra directamente a los consumidores porque la escasez de trabajadores y el activismo sindical están contribuyendo a un aumento dramático de la fruta importada. Si prevalecen las condiciones actuales, los agricultores estadounidenses se perderán cada vez más y los productores extranjeros cultivarán más de nuestros alimentos. Los agricultores estadounidenses ya se encuentran en una grave desventaja de costos laborales con los productores mexicanos, serbios, chinos y sudamericanos que pagan 1/20 o incluso menos de lo que los agricultores estadounidenses pagan en mano de obra. Esta es la razón principal por la cual las importaciones de bayas mexicanas, por ejemplo, han crecido en un 500% en los últimos diez años según el Wall Street Journal. Esto puede no ser una preocupación para los consumidores que aprecian el bajo costo de frambuesas, arándanos y otras frutas, pero como informó recientemente la FDA, los alimentos importados tienen de ocho a diez veces más residuos de plaguicidas que los alimentos domésticos. Además de pagar mucho menos por la mano de obra agrícola, los productores extranjeros a menudo no tienen las mismas protecciones ambientales y de seguridad alimentaria. Los consumidores deben conocer el país de origen de sus alimentos y ser más conscientes de cómo el activismo sindical está contribuyendo al rápido aumento de las importaciones de alimentos.
P: ¿Cómo afecta el activismo sindical a los agricultores?
R: Los agricultores están cada vez más preocupados por el futuro por una buena razón. Más y más regulación combinada con una fuerte disminución en el trabajo disponible causa gran preocupación. Las dificultades de utilizar el programa de trabajadores invitados han desanimado a los agricultores a aprovechar el trabajo voluntario de los trabajadores. Con la enorme disparidad en los costos laborales entre los agricultores estadounidenses y extranjeros, la productividad a través de la tecnología que ahorra mano de obra ya es sumamente importante. Los agricultores consideran que eliminar el trabajo tanto como sea posible es la única forma de avanzar en este entorno. Eso sirve nuevamente para limitar las oportunidades para los trabajadores que ya tienen muy pocas opciones.
P: ¿Por qué no escuchamos la perspectiva de los agricultores sobre esto?
R: Los agricultores solo quieren cultivar. Como regla, son reacios a involucrarse en el tipo de controversia pública que generan los activistas. Las protestas de los trabajadores son creados en momentos críticos para la cosecha y dado que el tiempo de cosecha es muy limitado, los agricultores deben minimizar las perturbaciones para asegurarse de que puedan cosechar y vender sus productos. Dado a los reportes unilaterales sobre las perturbaciones de los trabajadores agrícolas, los agricultores son más reticentes que nunca a permitir que los reporteros entren en sus granjas y sean entrevistados. Por más comprensible que pueda ser, esto contribuye al problema. El proyecto "Farmworker Justice Now" está directamente lidiando con el daño causado a los trabajadores por el activismo sindical y los esfuerzos para eliminar el programa de trabajadores invitados, pero en el proceso también ayudará a demostrar que los agricultores se preocupan por sus trabajadores agrícolas y ofrecen oportunidades de trabajo invaluables. Este es el primer programa dirigido por agricultores que le da a los trabajadores agrícolas, agricultores y la comunidad agrícola una voz pública sobre este importante tema.
Q: What is the Guest Worker program and why is it in the news today?
A: The Guest Worker Program, also called H2A, provides a way for foreign workers to receive a visa for temporary farm work in the US. About 200,000 Mexican workers were provided visas as guest workers under this program in the US in 2017, helping fill a critical gap in farm labor. It is controversial because union organizers oppose the program believing that the shortage of workers will help them in organizing unions. Union organizing activity in Washington state is receiving national and international attention because of accusations of abuse of farmers carried by numerous media outlets and the use of lawsuits and boycotts against farms and prominent brands.
Q: Is this a new program?
A: No, the first guest worker program, called the Braceros Program, was put in place by Executive Order in 1942. As farm workers left to join the armed forces, farmers feared loss of crops and the Braceros program helped fill the gap with Mexican workers in selected areas. In 1952 the Immigration and Nationality Act established an H2 visa for temporary unskilled workers. In 1986 the current law established an H2A visa for farm workers and an H2B visa for non-farm workers. Both provide for legal, temporary immigration for specific jobs such as seasonal harvests for farmers.
Q: Is today’s H2A or Guest Worker Program another Braceros Program?
A: Union organizers like to refer it as “Braceros” because that program earned a bad reputation due to farmer abuse of it and lax enforcement of its rules. Today, it is different. The Guest Worker program involves very significant application, reporting and enforcement requirements. This serves to reduce valuable opportunities for workers and limit its usefulness to farmers. Referring to today’s program as “Braceros” is an intentional effort to link it to a long-past program with a troubled history. For more information on the Braceros Program history: http://braceroarchive.org/about
Q: How many guest workers participate in this program?
A: Capital Press reported on November 13, 2017: The U.S. Department of Labor approved 200,049 H-2A-visa foreign guestworkers for U.S. farms in fiscal year 2017, up 20.7 percent from 165,741 in 2016.
Quoting Frank Gasperini Jr., executive vice president of the National Council for Agricultural Employers in Washington, D.C., the report stated: "H-2A workers are about 10 percent of the nation’s more than 2 million seasonal ag workers, he said. That’s more than doubled in the last five years, he said. Year-round or permanent ag worker are about another 500,000, he said."
Washington state has seen a significant growth in guest workers: The latest DOL numbers show Florida leading in 2017 H-2A workers at 25,303, up 12.6 percent. Georgia is second at 23,421, up 11.7 percent. North Carolina is third at 20,713, up 10.4 percent.
Washington is fourth at 18,535, up 9.3 percent. California is fifth at 15,232, up 7.6 percent. After that, Louisiana, Kentucky, New York, Michigan and Arizona round out the top 10 states.
“Florida, Washington and Michigan see higher growth because whole crops are starting to shift in a big way to H-2A because of lesser migrant movement,” Gasperini said.
Q: Why the rapid growth?
A: NPR explains: Employers say that the big jump in H-2A applications is partly because the worker shortage is getting worse. But it's also because farmers who hire lots of workers — and the workers themselves — are worried about the Trump administration's tougher enforcement of immigration laws. Many farm workers who live in the United States are citizens of Mexico or Central American countries and don't have legal authorization to be in this country.
The Capital Press article explained: “We have a continuing labor shortage and at some point it will reach a steeper incline because workers are getting older and H-2A is the only replacement,” Gasperini said.
ECONorthwest of Portland, Oregon conducted an analysis of the economic impact of guest workers in Washington state for wafla, and reported:
The agricultural sector in Washington has experienced a decline in available domestic labor supply in recent years. Traditional agricultural labor is "aging-out” (retiring), fewer of the next generation are seeking employment in agriculture, and many former agricultural workers have been assimilated into other sectors of the economy. Border enforcement and the lengthy process of gaining work authorization has discouraged many from looking for agricultural work in the U.S.
This has resulted in increased use of the H-2A program to ensure an adequate number of workers are available to tend to and harvest crops. This is especially true in labor-intensive fruit crops, where non-H- 2A employment has declined by 7 percent since 2010. Since that time, reliance on the H-2A program has increased across as growers look to fill the labor shortage.
Berry farms are the largest users of the guest worker program with about 21,000 guest workers involved in the berry harvest in 2017 according to the Capital Press.
Q: What labor union activity related to the guest worker program has occurred?
A: In summer of 2014, workers at Sakuma Brothers Farm in Burlington, Washington protested farmer treatment of workers. The strikes, protests, legal action and boycotts continued until the farm signed a union contract with the new Familias Unidas por la Justicia union in 2016. In early August 2017, workers protested at the Sarbanand blueberry farm near Sumas, Washington. In September 2017, workers protested at the Larson Fruit orchard in Quincy, Washington, then later at Stemilt farms. All actions were initiated and directed by Rosalinda Guillen of Community to Community, a worker center located in Bellingham, Washington. Also directly involved was Ramon Torres, the Sakuma farmworker recruited by Ms. Guillen to head the union Familias Unidas por las Justicia or FUJ. All targeted farms were using the H2A guest worker program.
Q: Community to Community is referred to as a “worker center.” What is a worker center?
A: The website workercenters.com explains: Leading worker centers are heavily supported by labor unions. Some have unionization of workforces as explicit goals. Labor unions enjoy the benefit of outsourcing their organization work to worker centers: Worker centers can engage in “organizational pickets” — protests to get a union recognized — of indefinite length, while labor organizations are restricted to 30-day pickets unless a petition for representation is filed.
Worker centers have proven an effective tool for union organizers enabling them to skirt labor laws. The activity of Community to Community and the support from organized labor it received in the Sakuma activities puts it in this category.
Q: What is the position of union leaders on the guest worker program?
A: ABCNews reported in 2013:
President Obama and Florida Sen. Marco Rubio both mentioned guest workers as part of their early outlines for immigration reform, but unions oppose what they've called "indentured" worker programs.
Further in the report:
While not mentioned in the outline, the [union position] subtext is that guest workers -- perhaps working without healthcare or other benefits -- could drive down salaries for native-born workers. Even existing guest worker programs should be reformed, according to the SEIU's Medina. Since guest workers are tied to a single business through their visas, "employers use that to threaten and control workers," he said.
A consistent argument of unions is that guest workers take work away from domestic workers, as stated in this Huffington Post story in 2013:
Critics of the guest worker program have argued that employers have relied too heavily on cheap foreign labor when millions of Americans are out of work.
Even in times of high unemployment, farmers have had a difficult time finding willing workers for farm jobs, while foreign workers see them as invaluable opportunities to earn significant income for their families.
Q: How does the guest worker program protect domestic workers?
A: First, the program is so onerous for farmers in its required costs, reporting and bureaucratic requirements that farmers turn to it only as a last resort. The option they usually face is to lose crops and a year of hard work or use guest workers. Second, the program itself requires that farmers hire domestic workers first, advertise extensively for them, and prove through the reporting requirements that they have done all they can to hire domestic workers. Only by proving that insufficient domestic workers are available will they be allowed to bring in guest workers. When a farmer employs guest workers and domestic workers, all are required to be paid according to the guest worker contract which specifies higher than minimum wage for all workers doing the same work.
Q: A union complaint is that guest workers are “indentured” workers. Doesn’t the requirement that they work only for the farmer who hires them give substance to this concern?
A: Provisions in the guest worker program are designed to ensure that the worker is returned to his or her home and does not use the program for illegal immigration. The farmer is responsible for housing and transportation and could not meet that obligation if the worker was able to seek other work. As the costs of the program are high and the farmer pays for the transportation to the farm and for housing and other requirements, the requirement that the worker meet his or her obligation to the employer is very reasonable. The accusations of indenture are intended to suggest that the farmer can abuse workers with pay, working conditions and treatment, but this abuse is prevented by the strict requirements and enforcement as well as the desire of the farmer to recruit and maintain a consistent workforce.
Q: Activists say they are working for improved pay for workers, what is wrong with that?
A: In Washington state farmers paid on average about $200 per day in labor costs including wages and benefits. The same workers when working Mexican farms are paid the minimum wage of $11 per day. The nearly twenty times difference in pay translates into a much improved ability to provide for their families, such as the ability to purchase homes as the workers themselves report. By pressuring farmers and lawmakers against the guest worker program, activists are reducing these very valuable income opportunities for these workers whose options are limited.
Q: If American farmers paid more, wouldn’t they get enough workers?
A: Increasing pay substantially is not an option because of the already high labor costs compared to foreign producers. The sad fact is that relatively few non-immigrant workers have any interest in farm work. So pay increases would have little impact on the shortage of workers. As it is what US farmers currently pay is putting them at a severe competitive disadvantage. US farmers compete in a global marketplace against foreign producers who pay far less for labor. Mexican imports of berries have increased by 500% in ten years and some US farmers are relocating their farms to Mexico because of the vast differences in labor costs and regulations. Washington state farmers, particularly berry farmers, are losing ground against foreign competitors not just from Mexico, but Serbia, Chile, Peru and even China. In China, for example, much farm work is done by migrant workers where the average pay is $100 per month, far less than even Mexico.
Q: Wouldn’t unions be a good thing for workers?
A: Farmworker unions have proven to be unnecessary and unhelpful for workers. The New York Times reports that less than one percent of the California agricultural work force is now represented by a union. The story of the FUJ union and Sakuma provides an indication. While union activists tout the union contract as a major victory, the wages negotiated are actually less than what the workers would have been paid as guest workers. This is before union dues are collected from workers. Union leaders work hard to demonize employers as seen in the numerous false accusations, therefore undermining the extensive efforts of farmers to establish the positive relationships needed to ensure worker loyalty to the farm.
Q: How does this affect consumers?
A: It directly involves consumers because the shortage of workers and union activism is contributing to a dramatic increase in imported fruit. If current conditions prevail, US farmers will increasingly be lost and more of our food will be grown by foreign producers. Already American farmers are at a severe labor cost disadvantage with Mexican, Serbian, Chinese and South America growers paying 1/20 or even less of what American farmers pay in labor. This is the main reason why Mexican berry imports, for example, have grown by 500% in the past ten years according to the Wall Street Journal. This may not be a concern for consumers who appreciate the low cost of raspberries, blueberries and other fruit, but as the FDA recently reported, imported food has eight to ten times the pesticide residue than domestic food. In addition to paying far less for farmworker labor, foreign producers often do not have the same environmental and food safety protections. Consumers need to be aware of the country of origin of their food, as well as become more aware of how the union activism is contributing to the rapid increase of food imports.
Q: How is the union activism affecting farmers?
A: Farmers are increasingly concerned about the future for good reason. More and more regulation combined with a sharp decline in available labor causes great concern. The difficulties of using the guest worker program have discouraged farmers from taking advantage of the very willing guest workers. With the huge disparity in labor costs between American and foreign farmers, productivity through labor-saving technology is already critically important. Farmers see eliminating labor as much as possible as the only way forward in this environment. That serves again to limit opportunities for workers who have too few options already.
Q: Why are we not hearing the farmers’ perspective on this?
A: Farmers just want to farm. As a rule they are reluctant to engage in the kind of public controversy being generated by the activists. The worker protests are staged at times critical to harvest and since the harvest time is very limited, farmers need to minimize the disturbance to make sure they can harvest and sell their produce. Given the one-sided treatment by media reports on farmworker disturbances, farmers are more reluctant than ever to allow reporters on their farms and be interviewed. This adds to the problem as understandable as it might be. The Protect Farmworkers Now project is directly addressing the harm caused to workers by the union activism and efforts to eliminate the guest worker program, but in the process it will also help show that farmers care about their farm workers and provide invaluable work opportunities. This is the first farmer-directed program aimed at giving farmworkers, farmers and the farm community a public voice on this important issue.
A: The Guest Worker Program, also called H2A, provides a way for foreign workers to receive a visa for temporary farm work in the US. About 200,000 Mexican workers were provided visas as guest workers under this program in the US in 2017, helping fill a critical gap in farm labor. It is controversial because union organizers oppose the program believing that the shortage of workers will help them in organizing unions. Union organizing activity in Washington state is receiving national and international attention because of accusations of abuse of farmers carried by numerous media outlets and the use of lawsuits and boycotts against farms and prominent brands.
Q: Is this a new program?
A: No, the first guest worker program, called the Braceros Program, was put in place by Executive Order in 1942. As farm workers left to join the armed forces, farmers feared loss of crops and the Braceros program helped fill the gap with Mexican workers in selected areas. In 1952 the Immigration and Nationality Act established an H2 visa for temporary unskilled workers. In 1986 the current law established an H2A visa for farm workers and an H2B visa for non-farm workers. Both provide for legal, temporary immigration for specific jobs such as seasonal harvests for farmers.
Q: Is today’s H2A or Guest Worker Program another Braceros Program?
A: Union organizers like to refer it as “Braceros” because that program earned a bad reputation due to farmer abuse of it and lax enforcement of its rules. Today, it is different. The Guest Worker program involves very significant application, reporting and enforcement requirements. This serves to reduce valuable opportunities for workers and limit its usefulness to farmers. Referring to today’s program as “Braceros” is an intentional effort to link it to a long-past program with a troubled history. For more information on the Braceros Program history: http://braceroarchive.org/about
Q: How many guest workers participate in this program?
A: Capital Press reported on November 13, 2017: The U.S. Department of Labor approved 200,049 H-2A-visa foreign guestworkers for U.S. farms in fiscal year 2017, up 20.7 percent from 165,741 in 2016.
Quoting Frank Gasperini Jr., executive vice president of the National Council for Agricultural Employers in Washington, D.C., the report stated: "H-2A workers are about 10 percent of the nation’s more than 2 million seasonal ag workers, he said. That’s more than doubled in the last five years, he said. Year-round or permanent ag worker are about another 500,000, he said."
Washington state has seen a significant growth in guest workers: The latest DOL numbers show Florida leading in 2017 H-2A workers at 25,303, up 12.6 percent. Georgia is second at 23,421, up 11.7 percent. North Carolina is third at 20,713, up 10.4 percent.
Washington is fourth at 18,535, up 9.3 percent. California is fifth at 15,232, up 7.6 percent. After that, Louisiana, Kentucky, New York, Michigan and Arizona round out the top 10 states.
“Florida, Washington and Michigan see higher growth because whole crops are starting to shift in a big way to H-2A because of lesser migrant movement,” Gasperini said.
Q: Why the rapid growth?
A: NPR explains: Employers say that the big jump in H-2A applications is partly because the worker shortage is getting worse. But it's also because farmers who hire lots of workers — and the workers themselves — are worried about the Trump administration's tougher enforcement of immigration laws. Many farm workers who live in the United States are citizens of Mexico or Central American countries and don't have legal authorization to be in this country.
The Capital Press article explained: “We have a continuing labor shortage and at some point it will reach a steeper incline because workers are getting older and H-2A is the only replacement,” Gasperini said.
ECONorthwest of Portland, Oregon conducted an analysis of the economic impact of guest workers in Washington state for wafla, and reported:
The agricultural sector in Washington has experienced a decline in available domestic labor supply in recent years. Traditional agricultural labor is "aging-out” (retiring), fewer of the next generation are seeking employment in agriculture, and many former agricultural workers have been assimilated into other sectors of the economy. Border enforcement and the lengthy process of gaining work authorization has discouraged many from looking for agricultural work in the U.S.
This has resulted in increased use of the H-2A program to ensure an adequate number of workers are available to tend to and harvest crops. This is especially true in labor-intensive fruit crops, where non-H- 2A employment has declined by 7 percent since 2010. Since that time, reliance on the H-2A program has increased across as growers look to fill the labor shortage.
Berry farms are the largest users of the guest worker program with about 21,000 guest workers involved in the berry harvest in 2017 according to the Capital Press.
Q: What labor union activity related to the guest worker program has occurred?
A: In summer of 2014, workers at Sakuma Brothers Farm in Burlington, Washington protested farmer treatment of workers. The strikes, protests, legal action and boycotts continued until the farm signed a union contract with the new Familias Unidas por la Justicia union in 2016. In early August 2017, workers protested at the Sarbanand blueberry farm near Sumas, Washington. In September 2017, workers protested at the Larson Fruit orchard in Quincy, Washington, then later at Stemilt farms. All actions were initiated and directed by Rosalinda Guillen of Community to Community, a worker center located in Bellingham, Washington. Also directly involved was Ramon Torres, the Sakuma farmworker recruited by Ms. Guillen to head the union Familias Unidas por las Justicia or FUJ. All targeted farms were using the H2A guest worker program.
Q: Community to Community is referred to as a “worker center.” What is a worker center?
A: The website workercenters.com explains: Leading worker centers are heavily supported by labor unions. Some have unionization of workforces as explicit goals. Labor unions enjoy the benefit of outsourcing their organization work to worker centers: Worker centers can engage in “organizational pickets” — protests to get a union recognized — of indefinite length, while labor organizations are restricted to 30-day pickets unless a petition for representation is filed.
Worker centers have proven an effective tool for union organizers enabling them to skirt labor laws. The activity of Community to Community and the support from organized labor it received in the Sakuma activities puts it in this category.
Q: What is the position of union leaders on the guest worker program?
A: ABCNews reported in 2013:
President Obama and Florida Sen. Marco Rubio both mentioned guest workers as part of their early outlines for immigration reform, but unions oppose what they've called "indentured" worker programs.
Further in the report:
While not mentioned in the outline, the [union position] subtext is that guest workers -- perhaps working without healthcare or other benefits -- could drive down salaries for native-born workers. Even existing guest worker programs should be reformed, according to the SEIU's Medina. Since guest workers are tied to a single business through their visas, "employers use that to threaten and control workers," he said.
A consistent argument of unions is that guest workers take work away from domestic workers, as stated in this Huffington Post story in 2013:
Critics of the guest worker program have argued that employers have relied too heavily on cheap foreign labor when millions of Americans are out of work.
Even in times of high unemployment, farmers have had a difficult time finding willing workers for farm jobs, while foreign workers see them as invaluable opportunities to earn significant income for their families.
Q: How does the guest worker program protect domestic workers?
A: First, the program is so onerous for farmers in its required costs, reporting and bureaucratic requirements that farmers turn to it only as a last resort. The option they usually face is to lose crops and a year of hard work or use guest workers. Second, the program itself requires that farmers hire domestic workers first, advertise extensively for them, and prove through the reporting requirements that they have done all they can to hire domestic workers. Only by proving that insufficient domestic workers are available will they be allowed to bring in guest workers. When a farmer employs guest workers and domestic workers, all are required to be paid according to the guest worker contract which specifies higher than minimum wage for all workers doing the same work.
Q: A union complaint is that guest workers are “indentured” workers. Doesn’t the requirement that they work only for the farmer who hires them give substance to this concern?
A: Provisions in the guest worker program are designed to ensure that the worker is returned to his or her home and does not use the program for illegal immigration. The farmer is responsible for housing and transportation and could not meet that obligation if the worker was able to seek other work. As the costs of the program are high and the farmer pays for the transportation to the farm and for housing and other requirements, the requirement that the worker meet his or her obligation to the employer is very reasonable. The accusations of indenture are intended to suggest that the farmer can abuse workers with pay, working conditions and treatment, but this abuse is prevented by the strict requirements and enforcement as well as the desire of the farmer to recruit and maintain a consistent workforce.
Q: Activists say they are working for improved pay for workers, what is wrong with that?
A: In Washington state farmers paid on average about $200 per day in labor costs including wages and benefits. The same workers when working Mexican farms are paid the minimum wage of $11 per day. The nearly twenty times difference in pay translates into a much improved ability to provide for their families, such as the ability to purchase homes as the workers themselves report. By pressuring farmers and lawmakers against the guest worker program, activists are reducing these very valuable income opportunities for these workers whose options are limited.
Q: If American farmers paid more, wouldn’t they get enough workers?
A: Increasing pay substantially is not an option because of the already high labor costs compared to foreign producers. The sad fact is that relatively few non-immigrant workers have any interest in farm work. So pay increases would have little impact on the shortage of workers. As it is what US farmers currently pay is putting them at a severe competitive disadvantage. US farmers compete in a global marketplace against foreign producers who pay far less for labor. Mexican imports of berries have increased by 500% in ten years and some US farmers are relocating their farms to Mexico because of the vast differences in labor costs and regulations. Washington state farmers, particularly berry farmers, are losing ground against foreign competitors not just from Mexico, but Serbia, Chile, Peru and even China. In China, for example, much farm work is done by migrant workers where the average pay is $100 per month, far less than even Mexico.
Q: Wouldn’t unions be a good thing for workers?
A: Farmworker unions have proven to be unnecessary and unhelpful for workers. The New York Times reports that less than one percent of the California agricultural work force is now represented by a union. The story of the FUJ union and Sakuma provides an indication. While union activists tout the union contract as a major victory, the wages negotiated are actually less than what the workers would have been paid as guest workers. This is before union dues are collected from workers. Union leaders work hard to demonize employers as seen in the numerous false accusations, therefore undermining the extensive efforts of farmers to establish the positive relationships needed to ensure worker loyalty to the farm.
Q: How does this affect consumers?
A: It directly involves consumers because the shortage of workers and union activism is contributing to a dramatic increase in imported fruit. If current conditions prevail, US farmers will increasingly be lost and more of our food will be grown by foreign producers. Already American farmers are at a severe labor cost disadvantage with Mexican, Serbian, Chinese and South America growers paying 1/20 or even less of what American farmers pay in labor. This is the main reason why Mexican berry imports, for example, have grown by 500% in the past ten years according to the Wall Street Journal. This may not be a concern for consumers who appreciate the low cost of raspberries, blueberries and other fruit, but as the FDA recently reported, imported food has eight to ten times the pesticide residue than domestic food. In addition to paying far less for farmworker labor, foreign producers often do not have the same environmental and food safety protections. Consumers need to be aware of the country of origin of their food, as well as become more aware of how the union activism is contributing to the rapid increase of food imports.
Q: How is the union activism affecting farmers?
A: Farmers are increasingly concerned about the future for good reason. More and more regulation combined with a sharp decline in available labor causes great concern. The difficulties of using the guest worker program have discouraged farmers from taking advantage of the very willing guest workers. With the huge disparity in labor costs between American and foreign farmers, productivity through labor-saving technology is already critically important. Farmers see eliminating labor as much as possible as the only way forward in this environment. That serves again to limit opportunities for workers who have too few options already.
Q: Why are we not hearing the farmers’ perspective on this?
A: Farmers just want to farm. As a rule they are reluctant to engage in the kind of public controversy being generated by the activists. The worker protests are staged at times critical to harvest and since the harvest time is very limited, farmers need to minimize the disturbance to make sure they can harvest and sell their produce. Given the one-sided treatment by media reports on farmworker disturbances, farmers are more reluctant than ever to allow reporters on their farms and be interviewed. This adds to the problem as understandable as it might be. The Protect Farmworkers Now project is directly addressing the harm caused to workers by the union activism and efforts to eliminate the guest worker program, but in the process it will also help show that farmers care about their farm workers and provide invaluable work opportunities. This is the first farmer-directed program aimed at giving farmworkers, farmers and the farm community a public voice on this important issue.
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